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dc.contributor.authorMuelas Lobato, Roberto 
dc.contributor.authorMoya, Miguel
dc.contributor.authorTrujillo, Humberto M.
dc.date.accessioned2024-01-26T09:23:07Z
dc.date.available2024-01-26T09:23:07Z
dc.date.issued2020-06
dc.identifier.issn1529-7489
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10259/8490
dc.description.abstractOppression, frustration, and humiliation are some of the most critical variables when predicting political violence. There are, however, other factors, such as group support and violent narratives/ideologies, involved in this relationship. Moreover, contextual and group characteristics should also be taken into account. Thus, we conduct an empirical study in the context of Catalonia versus Spain conflict, taking into account group status and other related variables proposed by the 3N model of radicalization. Based on the principles of significance quest theory and identity fusion theory, the following four hypotheses were proposed: (H1) fused individuals will be more prone to engage in different forms of progroup behavior, as well as (H2) more sensitive to collective losses of significance; (H3) the collective loss of significance will mediate the relationship between identity fusion and progroup behaviors; and (H4) majority/minority-status will moderate these functional relationships. The results indicated that identity fusion predicted intentions of activism through perceived oppression in the majority- and minority-status groups, while identity fusion predicted the intentions of radicalism through perceived oppression in the minority- but not in the majority-status group. The theoretical and contextual implications of the findings are discussed.en
dc.description.sponsorshipThis research was supported by the Centro Mixto UGR-MADOC (18/16 CEMIX), and by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (Ref. DER2015-63857-R and Ref. PSI2017-83966-R) [MINECO/AEI/FEDER/UE]). The materials for the studies, including data file and analytic methods, reported in this article are openly available at https://osf.io/krng4/. The hypotheses and analyses were not preregistered. For all the studies, we have reported all measures, proceedings, conditions, and sample size calculation.en
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdf
dc.language.isoenges
dc.publisherWileyen
dc.relation.ispartofAnalyses of Social Issues and Public Policy. 2022, V. 20, n. 1, p. 397-416en
dc.subjectIdentity fusionen
dc.subjectPerceived oppresionen
dc.subjectIntentions of activism and radicalismen
dc.subjectMajority/minority-statusen
dc.subjectSpanish contexten
dc.subject.otherPsicologíaes
dc.subject.otherPsychologyen
dc.subject.otherDerecho civiles
dc.subject.otherCivil lawen
dc.titleMinority‐ versus Majority‐Status Group Intentions to Transgress the Law When Oppression Is Perceived en
dc.typeinfo:eu-repo/semantics/articlees
dc.rights.accessRightsinfo:eu-repo/semantics/openAccesses
dc.relation.publisherversionhttps://doi.org/10.1111/asap.12207es
dc.identifier.doi10.1111/asap.12207
dc.identifier.essn1530-2415
dc.journal.titleAnalyses of Social Issues and Public Policyen
dc.volume.number20es
dc.issue.number1es
dc.page.initial397es
dc.page.final416es
dc.type.hasVersioninfo:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersiones


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